OBJECTIVE: To evaluate the impact of the modified ileal neobladder reconstruction on lifestyle, voiding habits and functional outcome in Asian patients.
PATIENTS AND METHODS: Twenty-seven Asian patients (25 men and two women, mean age 59 years, range 41-76) underwent modified ileal neobladder reconstruction after radical cystectomy for carcinoma of the bladder. The mean (range) follow-up was 21 (3-75) months. All patients were evaluated retrospectively using case notes, reviews, interviews and voiding charts; 18 patients underwent urodynamic studies.
RESULT: Twenty-five patients (93%) achieved diurnal and 23 (85%) nocturnal continence within 6 months. Of the 19 patients who were in employment before surgery, 15 continued to be economically active afterward; 26 patients (96%) reported no change in their daily living activities. Of 16 men who reported being potent pre-operatively only four retained some residual erectile function. Twenty-three patients were interviewed about their voiding habits and satisfaction with the outcome of surgery. Fourteen patients had no sensation of reservoir fullness and of the 21 men, 13 had to squat or sit to void effectively. The mean (range) voiding frequency was 5 (4-8) during the day and 2 (0-4) during sleep. Twenty-two patients were satisfied with the overall outcome.
CONCLUSIONS: The modified ileal bladder provides a high urinary continence rate with minimal changes in daily living activities and occupational status. The functional outcome was very satisfactory and accepted well, despite some changes in reservoir sensation, voiding posture and erectile function. The method is a viable option for reconstruction after cystectomy in Asian patients.
Recent Australian Government initiatives have emphasised problems with service provision to the ethnic mentally ill. This study aims to address the paucity of contemporary data describing the disposition of the ethnic mentally ill in hospital settings.
The principal etiologic agent of human eosinophilic meningitis, Angiostrongylus cantonensis, was first detected in rats in Canton, China in 1933. The first human case was detected on Taiwan in 1944. Epidemic outbreaks were noted on Ponape (E. Caroline Is.) from 1944 to 1948. The disease may present as transient meningitis or a more severe disease involving the brain, spinal cord and nerve roots, with a characteristic eosinophilia of the peripheral blood and CSF. Since 1961 it has been known that human infections are usually acquired by purposeful or accidental ingestion of infective larvae in terrestrial mollusks, planaria and fresh-water crustacea. There is no effective specific treatment. The African land snail, Achatina fulica played an important role in the panpacific dispersal of the organism: it will be important in Africa in the future as well. Rats were, and will continue to be the principal agents of expansion of the parasite beyond the Indopacific area. During and just after WWII the parasite was introduced, and/or spread passively from South and Southeast Asia into the Western Pacific islands and eastward and southward through Micronesia, Melanesia, Australia and into Polynesia, sequestered in shipments of war material and facilitated by post-war commerce. In the 1950s numerous cases were identified for the first time on Sumatra, the Philippines, Taiwan, Saipan, New Caledonia, and as far east as Rarotonga and Tahiti. Then cases were detected in Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, Java, Sarawak, the New Hebrides, Guam and Hawaii during the 1960s. Subsequently in the Pacific Basin the disease has appeared on Okinawa, other Ryukyu islands, Honshu, Kyushu, New Britain, American Samoa and Western Samoa, Australia, Hong Kong, Bombay, India, Fiji and most recently in mainland China. The parasite in rats now occurs throughout the Indopacific Basin and littoral. Beyond the Indopacific region, the worm has been found in rodents in Madagascar (ca 1963), Cuba (1973), Egypt (1977), Puerto Rico (1984), New Orleans, Louisiana (1985) and Port Harcourt, Nigeria (1989). Human infections have now been detected in Cuba (1973), Réunion Island (1974) and Côte d'Ivoire (1979) and should be anticipated wherever infected rats of mollusks have been introduced. Caged primates became infected in zoos in Hong Kong (1978) and New Orleans and Nassau, Bahamas (1987). The use of mollusks and crustacea as famine foods, favored delicacies and medicines has resulted in numerous outbreaks and isolated infections. Economic and political instability, illicit trade, unsanitary peridomestic conditions and lack of health education promote the local occurrence and insidious global expansion of parasitic eosinophilic meningitis.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)
"Wide income differentials, the threat of increased illegal immigration from developing countries, and sub-replacement fertility in the developed countries are some reasons for the recent reassessment of the relationship between migration and development.... The model presented in this article proposes different roles for permanent immigrants, contract workers, professional transients, illegal migrants and others according to the stages of modernization of the sending and receiving countries. The model was found consistent with the experiences of Mauritius, Seychelles, Singapore and, to a lesser extent, Malaysia."
Opium dependence was indigenous to countries in the Golden Triangle area in south-east Asia (SA). Heroin epidemics developed in most SA countries in the 1960s and early 1970s and remained a significant problem particularly in Myanmar, Thailand and Malaysia until now. In contrast, the island countries in SA seemed quite free from opiate abuse. Intravenous injection (IV) of drugs appeared after the heroin epidemic and currently prevails in countries with a significant opiate abuse problem. IV of opium was particularly common in the highly urbanized cities in Vietnam. Most SA countries started HIV seroscreening in IV drug users (IVDU) around the middle of the 1980s. Rapid epidemic spread of HIV infection was observed in 1988-89 in Thailand and Myanmar. The Highest prevalence of more than 80% was reported from a study of IVDUs in Yangon, Myanmar, followed by Thailand at about 40%. Although HIV infected IVDUs were identified at the same time in Malaysia and later in Singapore and the Philippines, there was no evidence of such a rapid and severe epidemic.
PIP:
In 1991, the Family Planning Association (FPA) of the Malaysian state of Perak initiated a community-based development project in the remote Aborigine village of Kampung Tisong. The community consists of approximately 34 households who survive on an average income of about US $37. Malnutrition is pervasive, even minor ailments cause death, more serious afflictions are prevalent, and the closest government clinic is 20 kilometers away and seldom used by the Aborigines. 70% of the children have access to education, but parental illiteracy is a serious educational obstacle. The goals of the FPA program are to 1) promote maternal and child health and responsible parenthood, 2) provide health education, 3) encourage women to seek self-determination, and 4) encourage the development of self-reliance in the community as a whole. The first step was to survey the community's culture, beliefs, and health status with the help of the Aborigines Department and the village headman. After a series of preliminary meetings with other agencies, the FPA began to provide activities including health talks, health courses and demonstrations, medical examinations and check-ups, and first aid training. Environmental protection and sanitation measures were included in the educational activities, and following the traditional "mutual aid system," a small plot of land was cleared for vegetable production. Vegetable gardens and needlecraft will become income-producing activities for the women. Attempts to motivate the women to use family planning have been hindered by the fact that the health of 2 women deteriorated after they began using oral contraceptives. Positive changes are occurring slowly and steadily, however, and the FPA has been instrumental in having the settlement included in a program for the hardcore poor which will provide new housing and farming projects.
A common phenomenon in South-East Asia is ageing of the population. This article describes the various stages of development of psychogeriatrics in Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines. It is only in the last few years that more systematic development of psychogeriatric services has begun under the pressure of an ageing population. The model of service delivery in Hong Kong can serve as an example of development of psychogeriatric services in South-East Asia.
PIP:
Fertility trends and prospects for east and southeast Asian countries including cities in China, Taiwan, the Republic of Korea, Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Myanmar, and Viet Nam are described. Additional discussion focuses on family planning methods, marriage patterns, fertility prospects, theories of fertility change, and policy implications for the labor supply, labor migrants, increased female participation in the labor force (LFP), human resource development, and social policy measures. Figures provide graphic descriptions of total fertility rates (TFRS) for 12 countries/areas for selected years between 1960-90, TFR for selected Chinese cities between 1955-90, the % of currently married women 15-44 years using contraception by main method for selected years and for 10 countries, actual and projected TFR and annual growth rates between 1990-2020 for Korea and Indonesia. It is noted that the 1st southeast Asian country to experience a revolution in reproductive behavior was Japan with below replacement level fertility by 1960. This was accomplished by massive postponement in age at marriage and rapid reduction in marital fertility. Fertility was controlled primarily through abortion. Thereafter every southeast Asian country experienced fertility declines. Hong Kong, Penang, Shanghai, Singapore, and Taipei and declining fertility before the major thrust of family planning (FP). Chinese fertility declines were reflected in the 1970s to the early 1980s and paralleled the longer, later, fewer campaign and policy which set ambitious targets which were strictly enforced at all levels of administration. Korea and Taiwan's declines were a result of individual decision making to restrict fertility which was encouraged by private and government programs to provide FP information and subsidized services. The context was social and economic change. Indonesia's almost replacement level fertility was achieved dramatically through the 1970s and 1980s by institutional change in ideas about families and schooling and material welfare, changes in the structure of governance, and changes in state ideology. Thailand's decline began in the 1960s and is attributed to social change, change in cultural setting, demand, and FP efforts. Modest declines characterize Malaysia and the Philippines, which have been surpassed by Myanmar and Viet Nam. The policy implications are that there are shortages in labor supply which can be remedied with labor migration, pronatalist policy, more capital intensive industries, and preparation for a changing economy.
PIP: The population explosion has been abating since the 2nd half of the 1960s. The birth rate of the 3rd World dropped from 45/1000 during 1950-55 to 31/1000 during 1985-90. From the 1st half of the 1960s to the 1st half of the 1980s the total fertility of such countries dropped from 6.1 to 4.2 children/woman. In Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, and Malaysia living standards improved as a result of industrialization, and fertility decreased significantly. In Sri Lanka, China, North Vietnam, and Thailand the drop of fertility is explained by cultural and religious factors. In 1982 about 78% of the population of developing countries lived in 39 states that followed an official policy aimed at reducing the population. Another 16% lived in countries supporting the concept of a desired family size. However, World Bank data showed that in the mid-1980s in 27 developing countries no state family planning (FP) programs existed. India adopted an official FP program in 1952, Pakistan followed suit in 1960, South Korea in 1961, and China in 1962. In Latin America a split policy manifested itself: in Brazil birth control was rejected, only Colombia had a FP policy. In 1986 the governments of 68 of 131 developing countries representing 3.1 billion people considered the number of children per woman too high. 31 of these countries followed concrete population control policies. On the other hand, in 1986 24 countries of Africa with 40% of the continent's population took no measures to influence population growth. In Latin America and the Caribbean 18 of 33 countries were idle, except for Mexico that had a massive state FP program. These programs also improve maternal and child health with birth spacing of at least 2 years, and the prevention of pregnancies of too young women or those over 40. The evaluation of rapidly spreading FP programs in the 1970s was carried out by the World Fertility Survey in 41 countries. The impact of FP programs was more substantial than socioeconomic factors. Contraceptive use increased in Mexico from 13% in 1973 to 41% in 1978 among women of fertile age. According to 1984 and 1988 UN data modern methods of contraception were used by 70% of women in China, 60-65% in Southeast Asia, Costa Rica, and Puerto Rico. In contrast, less than 5% used them in most countries of Africa, 15-20% in West Asia, 25-30% in South Asia, and 40% in Latin America. The pill was the most popular method. From the early 1980s in South and East Asia 1/5 of women got sterilized after attaining the desired family size. Less than 10% of women used IUDs in developing countries. FP programs have benefited from higher education levels and economic incentives and sanctions and exemplified in Singapore, China, South Korea, Thailand, and Taiwan.
PIP:
In the Philippines the number of children per woman is envisioned to be 2 by the year 2000 to reach simple replacement level. The crude birth rate had dropped from 43.6% in 1960 to 32.3% during 1980-85 corresponding to 4.2 children/woman. However, the corresponding rates for Thailand and Malaysia were 28% and 32.1%, respectively. The total fertility rate (TFR) was still a high 4.7% in 1988. In 1980 TFR was 3 in Manila, but 3/4 of the provinces still had TFR of 5-6.8 in 1985. Yet the World Fertility Survey of 1970 indicated that the total married fertility rate had decreased from 9.6 in 1970 to 9.1 in 1977. Married women had an average of 4.5 children in 1968 and still 4 children in 1983. Only 1/2 of married women aged 15-45 used contraception. In 1983, only 26.2% of all fertile married women used effective contraception. 63% of Moslim women, 70% of Catholics and Protestants, and 83% of members of the Church of Christ advocate modern contraceptives. From 1967 the National Population Outreach Program of the state sent out family planning advisers to unserviced areas. In 1983 only 37% of married women knew about such a service within their locality, and in 1988 a World Bank investigation showed that 67% could not afford contraceptives. The education, employment, income, urbanization of the household as well as medical care of women and children strongly influenced reproduction. The lifting of living standards and improvement of the condition of women is a central tenet of Philippine family planning policy. A multiple regression analysis of the World Fertility Survey proved that professional women tended to have smaller family size, however, most women worked out of economic necessity not because of avocation. The higher the urban family income, the lower marital fertility; but the reverse is true in rural areas where traditionally large families have had more income, and children have provided future material security. In 1983 1/3 of women with children over 18 received regular financial remittances from them. Thus, appropriate family planning program evaluation has to be concerned with the relationships of fertility and rural areas, the economic development of the community, and the physical access to a family planning clinic.
Fertility differentials between rural and urban populations are investigated using World Fertility Survey data for Bangladesh, Fiji, Indonesia, Malaysia, Nepal, Pakistan, the Philippines, the Republic of Korea, Sri Lanka, and Thailand. "The fertility measure used in this analysis is the number of children ever born to a woman. An attempt is made first to establish the differential in fertility levels between urban and rural areas after necessary control of the demographic factors..., and then the possible explanation of the differential is sought in terms of socio-economic variables such as education of the respondent, and occupation, work pattern, work status and place of work of the respondent as well as that of the husband." Data concerning the fertility differentials and the associated explanatory variables are presented in tables and charts. "The results tend to show that the countries of Asia are undergoing similar patterns of fertility transition as was experienced in the advanced countries. Perhaps one can graduate the countries in the transition scale as follows: Bangladesh, Indonesia, Nepal, Pakistan and Malaysia are in the initial stage; Fiji, the Philippines, the Republic of Korea, Sri Lanka and Thailand are in the middle stage of transition."