An analysis is presented of psychiatric research interviews conducted among the Iban, a longhouse dwelling people of Sarawak, Malaysia. It draws on transcripts of interviews recorded in the course of carrying out research into schizophrenia in this group. The article examines three different interview spaces within the longhouse--public, family, and private--in order to explore the interplay between ethnographic context and interview conversation. The public setting is notable for the number of relatives who join in and transform the communication from dyadic to collective interlocution; the role of repetition in recruiting them into the conversation is explored. Indirect contrast is the private space, which allows for a level of confidentiality commensurate with Western psychiatric research practice. Intermediate between the two is the family space. The communicative forms that correspond to these settings influence the way symptoms of schizophrenia are experienced and expressed in the Iban. Implications for the practice of psychiatry cross-culturally are examined.
Iban categories of hot and cold are examined in the context of humoral medical systems in southeast Asia. These categories are more than binary and oppositional: they are also contradictory and can only be understood in terms of their capacity for transformation in 'depth'. Analysis of the Iban epistemology of temperature sensation reveals the limitations of reductionist empirical approaches to hot and cold. Illness is apprehended, at one level, in terms of unusual conjunctions of opposite temperatures which signify a deeper disturbance in the relationship between body and soul, humans and spirits. Iban therapy redefines and relocates these categories in their proper place and at their appropriate level. It progresses from hot lay treatments to cool ritual treatments, yet cannot be accounted for within a limited framework of homeostatic balance. This paper develops an ethnographically grounded definition of humoralism which emphasizes non-reductive logic, cultural practice and transformation. The key element, transformation, is defined as a transition between categories and a shift in the level of interpretation which fundamentally alter the Iban experience of body and illness.
The significance of informed consent in research involving humans has been a topic of active debate in the last decade. Much of this debate, we submit, is predicated on an ideology of individualism. We draw on our experiences as anthropologists working in Western and non Western (Iban) health care settings to present ethnographic data derived from diverse scenes in which consent is gained. Employing classical anthropological ritual theory, we subject these observational data to comparative analysis. Our article argues that the individualist assumptions underlying current bioethics guidelines do not have universal applicability, even in Western research settings. This is based on the recognition that the social world is constitutive of personhood in diverse forms, just one of which is individualistic. We submit that greater attention must be paid to the social relations the researcher inevitably engages in when conducting research involving other people, be this in the context of conventional medical research or anthropological field work. We propose, firstly, that the consenting process continues throughout the life of any research project, long after the signature has been secured, and secondly, that both group and individual dimensions of consent, and the sequence in which these dimensions are addressed, should be carefully considered in all cases where consent is sought.
Changes in medical research ethics in the past two decades have made the communication of risk to potential participants a legal imperative. Using ethnographic data from two different cultures, we examine the hazards associated with medical research in relation to the respective societal contexts that imbue them with meaning. The Iban, a Dayak people indigenous to Borneo, perceive the hazards of participating in research in terms of danger to the collective. In Australia they are construed in terms of risk to individuals. Risk in medical research is one manifestation of a broader notion of 'risk' that is constitutive of the research enterprise itself and, we argue, fundamental to post-industrial society.