In the 1970s, Malaysia launched an export-oriented development strategy as a means of financing the nation's modernization. The success of the strategy hinged significantly on intensive recruitment of women for factory employment. I draw on descriptive qualitative research, including interviews (51), surveys (106), and ethnography in Malaysia to investigate factory women's experiences of work and work-related health risks. Discourse analysis surfaced a latent consciousness of bodily changes in relation to work. A grounded theory analysis showed a compromised access to occupational risk knowledge that may bear negatively on women's well-being and the role women's new labor identities played in mediating the meanings of work and risks. Given the predominance of women workers in low-end manufacturing globally, I aimed to contribute to theoretical and applied understandings of gender, globalization, and health.
Minah Karan, the stigmatizing label appended to Malay factory women in the 1980s, signaled a dangerous female sexuality that risked spreading beyond the factory gates and infecting Malaysia's idea(l)s of its traditional kampung culture. This article narrates how Minah Karan, as the former antihero of development, was reconstituted in the 1990s, with the government's labeling of factories as "high-risk settings" for HIV/AIDS. This is an ethnoetiology based not on any evidential epidemiological data but on the racial and gendered "mixing" that transpires behind factory walls: a fear that the "mixing of the sexes" means ipso facto "sexual mixing" among the races. The article demonstrates how importation of the high-risk label articulates at the local level the new and contested linkages, economic, religious, and scientific, constitutive of globalization. The pragmatic nature and imperatives of this high-risk process are discerned in factory women's accounts of how they negotiate the interactional imperatives of factory work, because transnational structures of productivity violate the social boundaries that have long connoted political stability, moral integrity, ethnic community, and individual safety. The article concludes by questioning whether ethnoetiologies, especially when they concern sexual networks, become social etiologies, because this would locate ethnoetiologies as central to conventional public health praxis rather than as ethnographic exotica in the margins.
Since the early 1990s, the Malaysian government has identified factories as high risk for HIV and AIDS. Signaling epidemiological concerns over the rising rates of HIV among factory workers, a significant proportion of whom are women, the label also appeared to reconstitute stereotypes of factory women as dangerously sexual and of factories as immoral spaces. Drawing on ethnographic research in the export processing zones of Penang, Malaysia in the mid-1990s, I examine the meanings and experiences of HIV risk among factory women themselves. Data were analyzed using discourse and grounded theory methods, the former to identify women's multiple modes of rationalizing HIV risks, and the latter to theorize the sources and significance of women's HIV risk assemblages. The heuristic of assemblages as localized knowledge spaces helped to show that biomedical and socioreligious risk lexica operated not as fixed epistemological categories but as situational resources in women's risk scripts. Overall, women desired multiple risk knowledges to help them "control themselves by themselves," a project of reflexive self-shaping mediated by the diverse and discordant discourses of gender, ethnicity, and modernity in Malaysia that shaped how HIV risks were engendered and experienced.