This article examines six main elements in the modern story of the impact of Alfred Russel Wallace's 1855 Sarawak Law paper, particularly in the many accounts of Charles Darwin's life and work. These elements are: Each of these are very frequently repeated as straightforward facts in the popular and scholarly literature. It is here argued that each of these is erroneous and that the role of the Sarawak Law paper in the historiography of Darwin and Wallace needs to be revised.
This is an interesting piece of Colonial history, compiled, one presumes, from official reports. It cannot satisfactorily be summarized. The author deals with his subject under various heads: hospitals, health legislation, dangerous infectious diseases, prevailing diseases, beriberi, fever and malaria, dysentery, and diarrhoea, influenza and enteric fever. In a table are given the numbers of cases of smallpox, cholera, plague, beriberi, dysentery, diarfhoea and fevers reported each year from 1890 to 1939. The only one of these to show steady reduction is beriberi, which began to decline from figures over 2,000 per annum before the 1914-18 war to 69-444 per annum from 1930 to 1939. Plague was never common and neither cholera nor smallpox was responsible for large numbers of cases. The author does not give any systematic accounts of the outstanding investigations made during the period, but rather quotes opinions expressed by Government servants, medical or lay, in their reports. Charles Wilcocks.
Charles Wilberforce Daniels was a major pioneer in the early days of the newly-formed medical specialism--tropical medicine. At the London School of Tropical Medicine (LSTM) of which he was a leading stalwart, he took an active part in research, teaching and administration. But like others in the new discipline he spent a great deal of time at various tropical locations: Fiji, British Guiana--where he made important observations on various forms of filariasis-- east Africa, and Malaya. However, his most important research contribution was arguably confirmation of Ronald Ross' 1898 discovery of the complete life-cycle of avian malaria, in Calcutta.
Following the discovery of mosquito transmission of malaria, the theory and practice of malaria control by general and selective removal of specific vector populations resulted particularly from Malcolm Watson's empirical work in peninsular Malaysia, first in the urban and peri-urban areas of Klang and Port Swettenham and subsequently in the rural rubber plantations, and from the work of N.H. Swellengrebel in nearby Indonesia on the taxonomy, ecology and control of anophelines. They developed the concept of species sanitation: the selective modification of the environment to render a particular anopheline of no importance as a vector in a particular situation. The lack of progress along these lines in India at that time is contrasted with that in south-east Asia. The extension of species sanitation and related concepts to other geographical areas and to other vector-borne disease situations is outlined.
The rapid increase in the use of helicopters for hospital transport during the 1980s is the culmination of several hundred years of military medical innovation. Mass battefield casualties spurred both technologic and medical changes necessary for today's sophisticated helicopter systems in use worldwide, particularly in the United States. The Napoleonic Era and the American Civil War provided the framework for the evolution of today's state-of-the-art emergency medical techniques. The use of airplanes to evacuate the wounded eventually led to using helicopters for rescue missions in World War II. The combat experiences of the United States in Korea, the British in Malaya, and the French in Indochina proved that rotary-wing aircraft were invaluable in reducing battlefield death rates. Any skepticism about the efficacy of helicopter medical evacuation was erased during the Vietnam conflict. As an integral part of the modern battlefield, these specialized aircraft became a necessity. The observations and experience of American servicemen and medical personnel in Vietnam established the foundation for the acceptance of helicopter transport in modern hospital systems.
Cholera has been in existence in Sarawak for many years and since 1873 many major epidemics have occurred. The epidemics usually occur during the dry months of May, June and July and the population affected are those in coastal areas. As in other outbreaks the areas affected were those which had poor environmental sanitation, poor water supply, poor refuse disposal and indiscriminate disposal of faeces. Malays are more affected as in Peninsular Malaysia outbreaks. The classical biotype was common prior to 1961. In later years the El Tor (biotype) has been responsible for most outbreaks.
Alfred Russel Wallace (1823-1913) and Charles Darwin (1809-1882) are honored as the founders of modern evolutionary biology. Accordingly, much attention has focused on their relationship, from their independent development of the principle of natural selection to the receipt by Darwin of Wallace's essay from Ternate in the spring of 1858, and the subsequent reading of the Wallace and Darwin papers at the Linnean Society on 1 July 1858. In the events of 1858 Wallace and Darwin are typically seen as central players, with Darwin's friends Charles Lyell (1797-1875) and Joseph Dalton Hooker (1817-1911) playing supporting roles. This narrative has resulted in an under-appreciation of a more central role for Charles Lyell as both Wallace's inspiration and foil. The extensive anti-transmutation arguments in Lyell's landmark Principles of Geology were taken as the definitive statement on the subject. Wallace, in his quest to solve the mystery of species origins, engaged with Lyell's arguments in his private field notebooks in a way that is concordant with his engagement with Lyell in the 1855 and 1858 papers. I show that Lyell was the object of Wallace's Sarawak Law and Ternate papers through a consideration of the circumstances that led Wallace to send his Ternate paper to Darwin, together with an analysis of the material that Wallace drew upon from the Principles. In this view Darwin was, ironically, intended for a supporting role in mediating Wallace's attempted dialog with Lyell.
The British naturalist Alfred Russel Wallace (1823-1913), who had to leave school aged 14 and never attended university, did extensive fieldwork, first in the Amazon River basin (1848-1852) and then in Southeast Asia (1854-1862). Based on this experience, and after reading the corresponding scientific literature, Wallace postulated that species were not created, but are modified descendants of pre-existing varieties (Sarawak Law paper, 1855). Evolution is brought about by a struggle for existence via natural selection, which results in the adaptation of those individuals in variable populations who survive and reproduce (Ternate essay, 1858). In his monograph Darwinism (1889), and in subsequent publications, Wallace extended the contents of Darwin's Origin of Species (1859) into the Neo-Darwinian theory of biological evolution, with reference to the work of August Weismann (1834-1914). Wallace also became the (co)-founder of biogeography, biodiversity research, astrobiology and evolutionary anthropology. Moreover, he envisioned what was later called the anthropocene (i.e., the age of human environmental destructiveness). However, since Wallace believed in atheistic spiritualism and mixed up scientific facts and supernatural speculations in some of his writings, he remains a controversial figure in the history of biology.
In both African and Asian colonies until the late 19th century, colonial medicine operated pragmatically to meet the medical needs first of colonial officers and troops, immigrant settlers, and laborers responsible for economic development, then of indigenous populations when their ill health threatened the well-being of the expatriate population. Since the turn of the century, however, the consequences of colonial expansion and development for indigenous people's health had become increasingly apparent, and disease control and public health programs were expanded in this light. These programs increased government surveillance of populations at both community and household levels. As a consequence, colonial states extended institutional oversight and induced dependency through public health measures. Drawing on my own work on colonial Malaya, I illustrate developments in public health and their links to the moral logic of colonialism and its complementarity to the political economy.
The works of Malaysian poet, Wong Phui Nam's Against the Wilderness (vii) China bride and Variations on a Birthday Theme (iv) Kali, illustrate a bride and a mother in terrifying images. Wong's stylistic form of representing the female body through startling images of inversion and degradation evoke feelings of unease. The suspension between the known and the unknown causes a bewildering reality verging on madness. Interpreted through the lens of the carnivalesque, specifically, the grotesque body, festive language and parody, I attempt to reconstruct the psyche of the Chinese migrant which underpins these poems. The migrant who arrived in Malaya during the colonial era in the early nineteenth century faced political and social struggles in adapting to a new land. In the poems, the migrant juxtaposes his position to a female and uses the female body as a site of contention to intensify the torment of the psyche and to reflect the despair of the Chinese in Malaysia.
Rheumatoid arthritis (RA) is thought to be a 'recent' disease in that descriptions of it were only noted in the 17th century. However, a study of paintings would suggest that RA could have been present as early as the 15th century, when artists started to paint the human body accurately rather than figuratively. Thus, it was possible to deduce from their paintings the occurrence of various medical conditions. If present, RA with its typical finger deformities should be apparent. This review discusses the known occurrences of RA-type deformities in paintings and places this in the context of the origins of the disease.
The study of human-environmental relations is complex and by nature draws on theories and practices from multiple disciplines. There is no single research strategy or universal set of methods to which researchers must adhere. Particularly for scholars interested in a political ecology approach to understanding human-environmental relationships, very little has been written examining the details of "how to" design a project, develop appropriate methods, produce data, and, finally, integrate multiple forms of data into an analysis. A great deal of attention has been paid, appropriately, to the theoretical foundations of political ecology, and numerous scholarly articles and books have been published recently. But beyond Andrew Vayda's "progressive contextualization" and Piers Blaikie and Harold Brookfield's "chains of explanation," remarkably little is written that provides a research model to follow, modify, and expand. Perhaps one of the reasons for this gap in scholarship is that, as expected in interdisciplinary research, researchers use a variety of methods that are suitable (and perhaps unique) to the questions they are asking. To start a conversation on the methods available for researchers interested in adopting a political ecology perspective to human-environmental interactions, I use my own research project as a case study. This research is by no means flawless or inclusive of all possible methods, but by using the details of this particular research process as a case study I hope to provide insights into field research that will be valuable for future scholarship.