PIP: The population explosion has been abating since the 2nd half of the 1960s. The birth rate of the 3rd World dropped from 45/1000 during 1950-55 to 31/1000 during 1985-90. From the 1st half of the 1960s to the 1st half of the 1980s the total fertility of such countries dropped from 6.1 to 4.2 children/woman. In Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, and Malaysia living standards improved as a result of industrialization, and fertility decreased significantly. In Sri Lanka, China, North Vietnam, and Thailand the drop of fertility is explained by cultural and religious factors. In 1982 about 78% of the population of developing countries lived in 39 states that followed an official policy aimed at reducing the population. Another 16% lived in countries supporting the concept of a desired family size. However, World Bank data showed that in the mid-1980s in 27 developing countries no state family planning (FP) programs existed. India adopted an official FP program in 1952, Pakistan followed suit in 1960, South Korea in 1961, and China in 1962. In Latin America a split policy manifested itself: in Brazil birth control was rejected, only Colombia had a FP policy. In 1986 the governments of 68 of 131 developing countries representing 3.1 billion people considered the number of children per woman too high. 31 of these countries followed concrete population control policies. On the other hand, in 1986 24 countries of Africa with 40% of the continent's population took no measures to influence population growth. In Latin America and the Caribbean 18 of 33 countries were idle, except for Mexico that had a massive state FP program. These programs also improve maternal and child health with birth spacing of at least 2 years, and the prevention of pregnancies of too young women or those over 40. The evaluation of rapidly spreading FP programs in the 1970s was carried out by the World Fertility Survey in 41 countries. The impact of FP programs was more substantial than socioeconomic factors. Contraceptive use increased in Mexico from 13% in 1973 to 41% in 1978 among women of fertile age. According to 1984 and 1988 UN data modern methods of contraception were used by 70% of women in China, 60-65% in Southeast Asia, Costa Rica, and Puerto Rico. In contrast, less than 5% used them in most countries of Africa, 15-20% in West Asia, 25-30% in South Asia, and 40% in Latin America. The pill was the most popular method. From the early 1980s in South and East Asia 1/5 of women got sterilized after attaining the desired family size. Less than 10% of women used IUDs in developing countries. FP programs have benefited from higher education levels and economic incentives and sanctions and exemplified in Singapore, China, South Korea, Thailand, and Taiwan.
PIP: At the Population and Natural Resources Workshop of the World Conservation Union (IUCN) General Assembly in Perth, Australia, December 1990, population and quality of life issues were stressed as one of the central items to be placed on the 1992 Agenda of the UN Conference on Environment. The pace of environmental degradation is quickening, the causes are becoming more entrenched, and indecision will narrow our options. Poverty and population growth are making development unsustainable. Technological miracles will not appear to restore balance. Deforestation, soil erosion, decertification and loss of water resources are fueling urbanization. Therefore the World Commission on Environment and Development, known as the Brundtland Commission, ranks human resources development as a top priority in sustainable development and quality of life. Human resources can be improved by providing maternal and child care, family planning and improving the status of women. Successful family planning programs as seen in Thailand and Malaysia can show results very quickly once national population policies, institutions and capacity are in place.
PIP:
In the Philippines the number of children per woman is envisioned to be 2 by the year 2000 to reach simple replacement level. The crude birth rate had dropped from 43.6% in 1960 to 32.3% during 1980-85 corresponding to 4.2 children/woman. However, the corresponding rates for Thailand and Malaysia were 28% and 32.1%, respectively. The total fertility rate (TFR) was still a high 4.7% in 1988. In 1980 TFR was 3 in Manila, but 3/4 of the provinces still had TFR of 5-6.8 in 1985. Yet the World Fertility Survey of 1970 indicated that the total married fertility rate had decreased from 9.6 in 1970 to 9.1 in 1977. Married women had an average of 4.5 children in 1968 and still 4 children in 1983. Only 1/2 of married women aged 15-45 used contraception. In 1983, only 26.2% of all fertile married women used effective contraception. 63% of Moslim women, 70% of Catholics and Protestants, and 83% of members of the Church of Christ advocate modern contraceptives. From 1967 the National Population Outreach Program of the state sent out family planning advisers to unserviced areas. In 1983 only 37% of married women knew about such a service within their locality, and in 1988 a World Bank investigation showed that 67% could not afford contraceptives. The education, employment, income, urbanization of the household as well as medical care of women and children strongly influenced reproduction. The lifting of living standards and improvement of the condition of women is a central tenet of Philippine family planning policy. A multiple regression analysis of the World Fertility Survey proved that professional women tended to have smaller family size, however, most women worked out of economic necessity not because of avocation. The higher the urban family income, the lower marital fertility; but the reverse is true in rural areas where traditionally large families have had more income, and children have provided future material security. In 1983 1/3 of women with children over 18 received regular financial remittances from them. Thus, appropriate family planning program evaluation has to be concerned with the relationships of fertility and rural areas, the economic development of the community, and the physical access to a family planning clinic.
"The past 20 years have seen extensive elaboration, refinement, and application of the original Brass method for estimating infant and child mortality from child survivorship data. This experience has confirmed the overall usefulness of the methods beyond question, but it has also shown that...estimates must be analyzed in relation to other relevant information before useful conclusions about the level and trend of mortality can be drawn.... This article aims to illustrate the importance of data analysis through a series of examples, including data for the Eastern Malaysian state of Sarawak, Mexico, Thailand, and Indonesia. Specific maneuvers include plotting completed parity distributions and 'time-plotting' mean numbers of children ever born from successive censuses. A substantive conclusion of general interest is that data for older women are not so widely defective as generally supposed."
"The Malay village of Galok in Kelantan was revisited [in]...1991 to investigate the changes in the population and households in the 20 years since the first intensive community study was conducted there in 1970/71. Major economic activities in 1970/71 were paddy cultivation in rain-fed fields, small scale rubber tapping, and newly introduced tobacco cultivation. The village's population increased from 690 in 1971 to 1,100 in 1991, and the number of households from 145 to 211. Despite the increase in population and households, the households cultivating paddy decreased from 71 to 36, those tapping rubber from 94 to 53, and those growing tobacco from 124 to 40, while regular employment, irregular wage labor in the surrounding areas, and temporary migratory work in Singapore increased remarkably. Many people moved out of the village and many others moved in. Though the former exceed the latter in number, the village population is still increasing owing to the high fertility...." (SUMMARY IN ENG)
"This paper assesses the level and composition of contemporary Asian immigration to Australia and explores its processes and impacts. The final reversal of the White Australia Policy in the 1970s opened the door to substantial increases in Asian immigration, particularly from Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines, China, India and Hong Kong." Aspects considered include migrant categories, age, sex, and social and economic adaptation to Australia.
"Wide income differentials, the threat of increased illegal immigration from developing countries, and sub-replacement fertility in the developed countries are some reasons for the recent reassessment of the relationship between migration and development.... The model presented in this article proposes different roles for permanent immigrants, contract workers, professional transients, illegal migrants and others according to the stages of modernization of the sending and receiving countries. The model was found consistent with the experiences of Mauritius, Seychelles, Singapore and, to a lesser extent, Malaysia."
The relationship between fertility and mobility is examined with reference to Zelinsky's [1971] mobility transition hypothesis. Five Asian countries (Japan, South Korea, Thailand, Malaysia, China) at different stages of development and mobility transition are compared with respect to shifting sectoral patterns of migration and changing levels of fertility. National trends suggest that the development sequence proposed by Zelinsky on the basis of the European experience does not generally apply to Asia. In four out of five cases examined, fertility declined before substantial urbanization took place. Zelinsky's sequence of mobility change should be modified to fit the experience of developing countries, but the importance of the interrelations hip between fertility decline and mobility change remains
"Illegal migration to Taiwan is a recent phenomenon but with a rapid rate of increase. Most illegal foreign workers enter on visitor's visas and overstay. This paper's detailed analysis of official data reveals that Malaysia, Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand are the major sources, providing a stock of mostly male workers numbering around 40,000. Sociodemographic and attitudinal changes among Taiwanese workers coupled with labor shortages in low-skilled jobs are pressuring the Taiwanese government to formulate plans for a systematic importation of foreign labor."
The use of migrant workers to ease labor shortages caused by rapid industrialization in Malaysia during the twentieth century is examined. "This paper will focus on: (1) the extent, composition and distribution of migrant workers; (2) the labor shortage and absorption of migrant workers; and (3) the role of migrant workers in the government's economic restructuring process."
This report examines Malaysian women's perceptions of the contraceptive effect of breastfeeding, the determinants of their perceptions, and any effect these perceptions might have on nursing duration and contraceptive use. The report also considers whether women are consciously replacing breastfeeding with modern contraceptive methods. Data from the 1976 Malaysian Family Life Survey are analyzed, and the author concludes that Malaysian women do perceive that breastfeeding has a contraceptive effect, but that this perception is not universal. Ethnicity and desire for a particular family size are the most significant determinants of this perception. Finally, Malaysian women's recognition of the contraceptive effect of nursing does not influence either the duration of their breastfeeding or their adoption of contraception. Malaysian women may not be abandoning breastfeeding to adopt contraception. More probably, breastfeeding declines and contraceptive prevalence increases with modernization.
OBJECTIVE: To determine the prevalence of diabetes mellitus and IGT in different ethnic groups living in the same physical environment and to find their relationship to nutritional status and dietary intake.
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS: The study was conducted among Malays and Orang Asli in six rural and urban locations in Malaysia. OGTTs were performed on 706 adult subjects > or = 18 yr of age. WHO criteria were used for diagnosing diabetes mellitus and IGT.
RESULTS: The overall prevalence of diabetes mellitus and IGT among Orang Asli was 0.3 and 4.4% compared with 4.7 and 11.3%, respectively, among Malays. This increased prevalence of glucose intolerance among Malays was associated with higher levels of social development. Among rural Malays, the crude prevalence of diabetes in a traditional village was 2.8% and in the land scheme was 6.7%, whereas urban Malays had a prevalence of 8.2%. In contrast, the prevalence of IGT (10.5-14.8%) was higher among rural Malays, compared with 9.6% among urban Malays. Ethnic group, > or = 40 yr of age, an income > M$250, fewer daily activity, and obesity were associated with a higher prevalence of diabetes.
CONCLUSIONS: Diabetes mellitus and IGT, which were more common among Malays than Orang Asli, were associated with more affluent life-styles and modernization.