PIP:
In the Philippines the number of children per woman is envisioned to be 2 by the year 2000 to reach simple replacement level. The crude birth rate had dropped from 43.6% in 1960 to 32.3% during 1980-85 corresponding to 4.2 children/woman. However, the corresponding rates for Thailand and Malaysia were 28% and 32.1%, respectively. The total fertility rate (TFR) was still a high 4.7% in 1988. In 1980 TFR was 3 in Manila, but 3/4 of the provinces still had TFR of 5-6.8 in 1985. Yet the World Fertility Survey of 1970 indicated that the total married fertility rate had decreased from 9.6 in 1970 to 9.1 in 1977. Married women had an average of 4.5 children in 1968 and still 4 children in 1983. Only 1/2 of married women aged 15-45 used contraception. In 1983, only 26.2% of all fertile married women used effective contraception. 63% of Moslim women, 70% of Catholics and Protestants, and 83% of members of the Church of Christ advocate modern contraceptives. From 1967 the National Population Outreach Program of the state sent out family planning advisers to unserviced areas. In 1983 only 37% of married women knew about such a service within their locality, and in 1988 a World Bank investigation showed that 67% could not afford contraceptives. The education, employment, income, urbanization of the household as well as medical care of women and children strongly influenced reproduction. The lifting of living standards and improvement of the condition of women is a central tenet of Philippine family planning policy. A multiple regression analysis of the World Fertility Survey proved that professional women tended to have smaller family size, however, most women worked out of economic necessity not because of avocation. The higher the urban family income, the lower marital fertility; but the reverse is true in rural areas where traditionally large families have had more income, and children have provided future material security. In 1983 1/3 of women with children over 18 received regular financial remittances from them. Thus, appropriate family planning program evaluation has to be concerned with the relationships of fertility and rural areas, the economic development of the community, and the physical access to a family planning clinic.
PIP: The population explosion has been abating since the 2nd half of the 1960s. The birth rate of the 3rd World dropped from 45/1000 during 1950-55 to 31/1000 during 1985-90. From the 1st half of the 1960s to the 1st half of the 1980s the total fertility of such countries dropped from 6.1 to 4.2 children/woman. In Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, and Malaysia living standards improved as a result of industrialization, and fertility decreased significantly. In Sri Lanka, China, North Vietnam, and Thailand the drop of fertility is explained by cultural and religious factors. In 1982 about 78% of the population of developing countries lived in 39 states that followed an official policy aimed at reducing the population. Another 16% lived in countries supporting the concept of a desired family size. However, World Bank data showed that in the mid-1980s in 27 developing countries no state family planning (FP) programs existed. India adopted an official FP program in 1952, Pakistan followed suit in 1960, South Korea in 1961, and China in 1962. In Latin America a split policy manifested itself: in Brazil birth control was rejected, only Colombia had a FP policy. In 1986 the governments of 68 of 131 developing countries representing 3.1 billion people considered the number of children per woman too high. 31 of these countries followed concrete population control policies. On the other hand, in 1986 24 countries of Africa with 40% of the continent's population took no measures to influence population growth. In Latin America and the Caribbean 18 of 33 countries were idle, except for Mexico that had a massive state FP program. These programs also improve maternal and child health with birth spacing of at least 2 years, and the prevention of pregnancies of too young women or those over 40. The evaluation of rapidly spreading FP programs in the 1970s was carried out by the World Fertility Survey in 41 countries. The impact of FP programs was more substantial than socioeconomic factors. Contraceptive use increased in Mexico from 13% in 1973 to 41% in 1978 among women of fertile age. According to 1984 and 1988 UN data modern methods of contraception were used by 70% of women in China, 60-65% in Southeast Asia, Costa Rica, and Puerto Rico. In contrast, less than 5% used them in most countries of Africa, 15-20% in West Asia, 25-30% in South Asia, and 40% in Latin America. The pill was the most popular method. From the early 1980s in South and East Asia 1/5 of women got sterilized after attaining the desired family size. Less than 10% of women used IUDs in developing countries. FP programs have benefited from higher education levels and economic incentives and sanctions and exemplified in Singapore, China, South Korea, Thailand, and Taiwan.
PIP: 40 experts representing Nepal, Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore, Korea, and the Philippines participated in a 3-day workshop in Manila in March 1976 for the purpose of discussing and proposing ways of dealing with the financial problems confronting the population programs of the individual countries. The Inter-Governmental Coordinating Committee for Southeast Asia Family/Population Planning sponsored the workshop. The recommendations made at the meeting were: 1) standardization of financing reporting procedures by the region's country programs on family planning; 2) closer coordination between donor agencies and policy-making bodies of country programs in the disbursement of funds; 3) frequent exchanges of experiences, ideas, technicaL knowledge, and other matters pertaining to the financial management of such programs; and 4) inclusion of applicable financial management topics in the training of clinical staffs and those involved in follow-up operations. Additionally, a proposal was made that national population organizations or committees develop research and evaluation units. Workshop discussion sessions focused on financial planning and management, accounting and disbursement of funds, use and control of foreign aid, cost of effectiveness and benefit analysis, and financial reporting.
Matched MeSH terms: Health Planning*; Health Planning Guidelines*
Evidence based on average patient data, which occupies most of our present day information databases, does not fulfil the needs of individual patient-centred health care. In spite of the unprecedented expansion in medical information we still do not have the types of information required to allow us to tailor optimal care for a given individual patient. As our current information is chiefly provided in disconnected silos, we need an information system that can seamlessly integrate different types of information to meet diverse user group needs. Groups of certain individual medical learners namely patients, medical students and health professionals share the patient's need to increasingly interact with and seek knowledge and solutions offered by others (individual medical learners) who have the lived experiences that they would benefit to access and learn from. A web-based user-driven learning solution may be a stepping-stone to address the present problem of information oversupply in medicine that mostly remains underutilized, as it doesn't meet the needs of the individual patient and health professional user. The key to its success would be to relax central control and make local trust and strategic health workers feel more engaged in the project such that it is truly user-driven.
This letter advises the imminent formation of the Companion Animal Parasites Council for the Tropics (CAPCT). The CAPCT consists of region-specific (e.g., Asia-Pacific, Latin America and Caribbean, Africa) experts comprising academics, veterinarians, parasitologists, physicians and allied industry partners that will work together to inform, guide and develop best-practice recommendations for the optimal diagnosis, treatment and control of companion animal parasites in the tropics, with the aim of protecting the health of pets and that of the public.
PIP:
This paper presents data on contraceptive prevalence from 26 national sample surveys conducted in the Asian and Pacific region during the 1966-84 period. The basic data presented are: contraceptive prevalence rates, cross-classified by age where possible; the percentage of couples using each contraceptive method, also cross-classified by age where possible. To facilitate comparison between countries and across time, the data are presented in a standardized form, both numerically and graphically. Contraceptive prevalence rates range from 1-85% (the highest and lowest ever reported). In the Asian and Pacific region as a whole, the prevalence rate was around 40%, which was about the same level as in the Latin American region. In Africa the prevalence rate was around 12%, and in developed countries around 70%. In the late 1960s, prevalence rates in the Asian and Pacific region were less than 20%. By the early 1980s, contraception had spread throughout all parts of society so that the rates in many countries were over 50%, and in some over 60%. Most of the countries with high prevalence rates were in East and Southeast Asia, and most of those with low prevalence in South Asia. Displayed graphically with the age of wife (from 15-49 years) on the x axis, contraceptive prevalence rates appear as an inverted U, low at both ends of the age range and high in the middle. Curves skewed to the left generally have stronger effects on fertility than those skewed to the right. This is due to the fact that most births occur among younger couples and contraception used by younger couples prevents more births than contraception used by older couples. The curves of countries relying primarily on sterilization are generally skewed to the right. The data show a wide variation in the mix of contraceptives used in each country. The use of various contraceptives by age is similar throughout the region. Young couples generally use oral contraceptives (OCs), those in the middle of the reproductive ages the IUD, and those near the end of the childbearing ages sterilization. Rhythm and withdrawal methods appear to be preferred both by couples in the youngest and oldest age groups. Contraceptive needs change as couples progress through the life cycle. Consequently, family planning programs must work to provide a broad mix of contraceptives. The tables show that Thailand and the Republic of Korea, 2 countries which are thought to have excellent family planning programs, have provided well-balanced mixes of contraceptives. Other countries in the region have depended on only 1 or 2 methods.
PIP: A traditional birth attendant, also known as an indigenous midwife, is the main provider in many developing countries of obstetric services. Due to this unique position, the traditional birth attendant has been considered as possibly the ideal person to deliver family planning services in her local community. This consideration has influenced program policy in many countries and consequently there is information available to aid in the determination of whether to involve traditional birth attendants and, if so, how to best use them. There have been 2 opposing views in response to the involvement of traditional birth attendants. 1 view regards them as potential innovators. She is seen as ideally placed both physically and socially to act as a representative of the family planning program to her patients. The traditional birth attendant is the acknowledged and often prestigous expert on obstetrics matters, including at times traditional methods of birth control. The alternative view is less hopeful for rather than identifying the traditional birth attendant as an innovator it regards her as a firm opponent of innovation, a determined conventionalist. Pro gram experience in India, Pakistan, Indonesia and East Java and experime ntal studies in the Philippines, Malaysia, and Thailand along with anthr opological inquiries generally support the skeptical view but none of the findings imply that the traditional birth attendant should be ignored by the family planning programs. In the intermediate positions of many actual programs, the wisest plan seems to be to ensure that the potential contribution of the traditional birth attendant is neither overlooked nor exaggerated