Vital statistics in Malaya are of limited value but annual reports show that the infant mortality in Penang Municipality is 125, in Singapore Municipality 172.2, in the Straits Settlements 165.28, and in the State of Kedah 137 per thousand births. The tables show a similarity to those of large English towns fifty years ago.
Poverty, ignorance and superstition account for many of these deaths and much maternal ill-health. Children are seldom taken out in infancy and houses are frequently dark, stuffy and closely-shuttered. Solid carbohydrate food is given to infants even during the first month. Congenital Syphilis causes a number of deaths and in an investigation in Singapore of mothers whose infants died in the first year of life 30.9 per cent. were Wassermann-positive.
Increasing use is made of maternity wards in the Hospitals and in Kuala Lumpur there is a Chinese maternity hospital with a Chinese woman doctor on the staff. The infant death-rate among Malays is much higher than that of other races, who are more willing to make use of the hospitals.
In the rural areas labour commonly takes place under the most primitive conditions with no help except that of an untrained handy-woman (bidan). A better midwifery service for these areas is gradually being developed and Malay women are being trained to replace the old "bidan" in the villages.
Education is doing something to inculcate modern views on the bringing up of children. The teaching of personal hygiene to teachers and pupils in the vernacular girls' schools is proving of value, and the Girl Guide movement has given an added interest to this.
Medical inspection of school children is more complete in the towns than in the rural areas. Dental caries, skin conditions, intestinal worms, and enlarged tonsils are common in the junior schools.
Tables are given of vital statistics and records of school medical inspection from the reports of the health officers of the Straits Settlements, Singapore, and Kedah. W. H. Peacock.
This paper investigates the structure of the relationship between female education and fertility. It is based on data published in First Country Reports of the World Fertility Surveys for eleven countries--Costa Rica, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Panama, Fiji, Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Indonesia. The cumulative marital fertility of educated women is shown to be similar in different settings. A lack of uniformity in the education and fertility relationship including the curvilinear nature of this relationship observed across countries is shown to be attributable to marked differences between countries in the average fertility of women with no education rather than to the presumed differences in the average fertility of the educated women. The structure of the relationship is shown to be similar across several developing countries. This analysis suggests that advancement in female education can be expected to influence fertility behavior even without simultaneous changes in other factors such as increasing opportunity for participation in the paid labor force in the modern sector.
Multivariate analysis of the 1974 Malaysian Fertility and Family Survey tests the hypothesis that an inverse relationship between women's work and fertility occurs only when there are serious conflicts between working and caring for children. The results are only partly consistent with the hypothesis and suggest that normative conflicts between working and mothering affect the employment-fertility relationship in Malaysia more than spacio-temporal conflicts do. The lack of consistent evidence for the hypothesis, as well as some conceptual problems, lead us to propose an alternative framework for understanding variation in the employment-fertility relationship, both in Malaysia and elsewhere. This framework incorporates ideas from the role incompatibility hypothesis but views the employment-fertility relationship as dependent not just on role conflicts but more generally on the structure of the household's socioeconomic opportunities.