Information from the national drug abuse monitoring system was analysed to determine the trends in extent and pattern of drug dependence in Malaysia over the period 1970 to 1986. The annual incidence and prevalence rates of reported drug dependents increased by many folds when compared to the early seventies. Generally, the profile of drug dependents identified has remained relatively stable throughout the years. A stable pattern of drug abuse was also noted over this period. Factors influencing the trend patterns are discussed, as well as the implications of these findings for policy purposes.
State planning plays a central role in Malaysia's social and economic development. The government's rural development policies are designed to promote agricultural incomes and help counterbalance ethnic inequalities. The Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) implements one of the internationally most successful land development and resettlement programs. In this article, we quantify the impact of FELDA settlements on local out-migration rates, linking macro and micro approaches and using data from the Malaysian Family Life Survey, national censuses, and other sources. A model of instantaneous migration rates specifies an individual's migration rate as a function of individual-level sociodemographic characteristics, the level of urbanization of the origin and destination, and the extent of rural development at the district of current residence. Our results show that in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the existence of rural development centers in a district reduced the levels of out-migration to pre-1965 levels.
PIP:
Fertility trends and prospects for east and southeast Asian countries including cities in China, Taiwan, the Republic of Korea, Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Myanmar, and Viet Nam are described. Additional discussion focuses on family planning methods, marriage patterns, fertility prospects, theories of fertility change, and policy implications for the labor supply, labor migrants, increased female participation in the labor force (LFP), human resource development, and social policy measures. Figures provide graphic descriptions of total fertility rates (TFRS) for 12 countries/areas for selected years between 1960-90, TFR for selected Chinese cities between 1955-90, the % of currently married women 15-44 years using contraception by main method for selected years and for 10 countries, actual and projected TFR and annual growth rates between 1990-2020 for Korea and Indonesia. It is noted that the 1st southeast Asian country to experience a revolution in reproductive behavior was Japan with below replacement level fertility by 1960. This was accomplished by massive postponement in age at marriage and rapid reduction in marital fertility. Fertility was controlled primarily through abortion. Thereafter every southeast Asian country experienced fertility declines. Hong Kong, Penang, Shanghai, Singapore, and Taipei and declining fertility before the major thrust of family planning (FP). Chinese fertility declines were reflected in the 1970s to the early 1980s and paralleled the longer, later, fewer campaign and policy which set ambitious targets which were strictly enforced at all levels of administration. Korea and Taiwan's declines were a result of individual decision making to restrict fertility which was encouraged by private and government programs to provide FP information and subsidized services. The context was social and economic change. Indonesia's almost replacement level fertility was achieved dramatically through the 1970s and 1980s by institutional change in ideas about families and schooling and material welfare, changes in the structure of governance, and changes in state ideology. Thailand's decline began in the 1960s and is attributed to social change, change in cultural setting, demand, and FP efforts. Modest declines characterize Malaysia and the Philippines, which have been surpassed by Myanmar and Viet Nam. The policy implications are that there are shortages in labor supply which can be remedied with labor migration, pronatalist policy, more capital intensive industries, and preparation for a changing economy.
PIP: The population explosion has been abating since the 2nd half of the 1960s. The birth rate of the 3rd World dropped from 45/1000 during 1950-55 to 31/1000 during 1985-90. From the 1st half of the 1960s to the 1st half of the 1980s the total fertility of such countries dropped from 6.1 to 4.2 children/woman. In Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, and Malaysia living standards improved as a result of industrialization, and fertility decreased significantly. In Sri Lanka, China, North Vietnam, and Thailand the drop of fertility is explained by cultural and religious factors. In 1982 about 78% of the population of developing countries lived in 39 states that followed an official policy aimed at reducing the population. Another 16% lived in countries supporting the concept of a desired family size. However, World Bank data showed that in the mid-1980s in 27 developing countries no state family planning (FP) programs existed. India adopted an official FP program in 1952, Pakistan followed suit in 1960, South Korea in 1961, and China in 1962. In Latin America a split policy manifested itself: in Brazil birth control was rejected, only Colombia had a FP policy. In 1986 the governments of 68 of 131 developing countries representing 3.1 billion people considered the number of children per woman too high. 31 of these countries followed concrete population control policies. On the other hand, in 1986 24 countries of Africa with 40% of the continent's population took no measures to influence population growth. In Latin America and the Caribbean 18 of 33 countries were idle, except for Mexico that had a massive state FP program. These programs also improve maternal and child health with birth spacing of at least 2 years, and the prevention of pregnancies of too young women or those over 40. The evaluation of rapidly spreading FP programs in the 1970s was carried out by the World Fertility Survey in 41 countries. The impact of FP programs was more substantial than socioeconomic factors. Contraceptive use increased in Mexico from 13% in 1973 to 41% in 1978 among women of fertile age. According to 1984 and 1988 UN data modern methods of contraception were used by 70% of women in China, 60-65% in Southeast Asia, Costa Rica, and Puerto Rico. In contrast, less than 5% used them in most countries of Africa, 15-20% in West Asia, 25-30% in South Asia, and 40% in Latin America. The pill was the most popular method. From the early 1980s in South and East Asia 1/5 of women got sterilized after attaining the desired family size. Less than 10% of women used IUDs in developing countries. FP programs have benefited from higher education levels and economic incentives and sanctions and exemplified in Singapore, China, South Korea, Thailand, and Taiwan.
PIP:
In the Philippines the number of children per woman is envisioned to be 2 by the year 2000 to reach simple replacement level. The crude birth rate had dropped from 43.6% in 1960 to 32.3% during 1980-85 corresponding to 4.2 children/woman. However, the corresponding rates for Thailand and Malaysia were 28% and 32.1%, respectively. The total fertility rate (TFR) was still a high 4.7% in 1988. In 1980 TFR was 3 in Manila, but 3/4 of the provinces still had TFR of 5-6.8 in 1985. Yet the World Fertility Survey of 1970 indicated that the total married fertility rate had decreased from 9.6 in 1970 to 9.1 in 1977. Married women had an average of 4.5 children in 1968 and still 4 children in 1983. Only 1/2 of married women aged 15-45 used contraception. In 1983, only 26.2% of all fertile married women used effective contraception. 63% of Moslim women, 70% of Catholics and Protestants, and 83% of members of the Church of Christ advocate modern contraceptives. From 1967 the National Population Outreach Program of the state sent out family planning advisers to unserviced areas. In 1983 only 37% of married women knew about such a service within their locality, and in 1988 a World Bank investigation showed that 67% could not afford contraceptives. The education, employment, income, urbanization of the household as well as medical care of women and children strongly influenced reproduction. The lifting of living standards and improvement of the condition of women is a central tenet of Philippine family planning policy. A multiple regression analysis of the World Fertility Survey proved that professional women tended to have smaller family size, however, most women worked out of economic necessity not because of avocation. The higher the urban family income, the lower marital fertility; but the reverse is true in rural areas where traditionally large families have had more income, and children have provided future material security. In 1983 1/3 of women with children over 18 received regular financial remittances from them. Thus, appropriate family planning program evaluation has to be concerned with the relationships of fertility and rural areas, the economic development of the community, and the physical access to a family planning clinic.
"Illegal migration to Taiwan is a recent phenomenon but with a rapid rate of increase. Most illegal foreign workers enter on visitor's visas and overstay. This paper's detailed analysis of official data reveals that Malaysia, Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand are the major sources, providing a stock of mostly male workers numbering around 40,000. Sociodemographic and attitudinal changes among Taiwanese workers coupled with labor shortages in low-skilled jobs are pressuring the Taiwanese government to formulate plans for a systematic importation of foreign labor."
PIP: The benefits of various-sized families in Malaysia were discussed by several women and supplemented with official statements on family planning (FP). The Director of the National Population and Family Development, Dr. Raj Karim, advised that maternal health is jeopardized when women have more than five children. About 30% of reproductive age women in Malaysia have five or more children. A Federation of FP Associations spokesperson agreed that women should be advised of the dangers of bearing over five children, of the importance of spacing births two to four years apart, and of the ideal age of childbearing (21-39 years). The government lacks an official policy on family size. The government position is, however, compatible with Islamic teachings on spacing in order to protect the health of the mother and child. Islamic law does not permit sterilization or abortion. The "fatwas" of Islamic teaching may have been misconstrued by those not using any form of contraception. Dr. Karim, who has five children, reported that having a large family can be difficult for a woman with a job, a career, and a husband or when both parents work. Most Malays desire large families. The average Malay family size was 4.1 children in 1990; Malaysian Chinese have fertility of 2.3 children and Malaysian Indians have 2.6 children. People say that the benefits outweigh the hardships of a large family.
PIP: Malaysia recently reiterated its commitment to protect the right of couples to choose the number and spacing of their children and to have the information and means to do so. This policy is in accord with Malaysia's belief that the individual is at the center of all socioeconomic and environmental programs. Thus, Malaysia acknowledges the importance of promoting better understanding of the relationship between population and sustainable development. This focus will enable Malaysia to emphasize areas such as maternal mortality, family planning, and breast feeding and to establish special programs for marginalized, disadvantaged, and vulnerable groups of people. Malaysia also acknowledges the importance of establishing a pool of trained researchers in population and development issues.
Sarawak, on the island of Borneo, is known internationally for its rich rain forests, flora and fauna. Its rain forests, occupying two-thirds of its geographical area shelters 2500 tree species, 5500 flowering plants and over 20 000 different kinds of animals and insects. Such abundance of plants, and in particular, in the variety thereof, have attracted the attention of scientists involved in the field of research into their potential medicinal value. Recent discovery that two species of Calophyllum tree in the rain forests of Sarawak produce active anti-HIV agents, has, no doubt, intensified interest in the State's plant resources for scientific research.
In October, 1993, 16 months after the United Nations approved the International Convention on Biodiversity held in Rio de Janeiro, June, 1992, the Philippine Congress ratified and adopted the Convention. This is a manifestation of the full support of the Philippines for the principles and policies adopted by the UN body on the conservation of biodiversity, sustainable development of biological resources and equitable sharing of benefits between users and owners of biodiversity resources. The Philippine scientific community has long recognized the need for and importance of a national guideline and policy with regard to the collection of plants and animals in the Philippines for scientific or commercial purposes. A series of consultative meetings were held by representatives of government agencies, non-government organizations, private organizations, academic and private persons concerned with biodiversity conservation to formulate national guidelines that regulate the collection of plant and animal specimens in the country. Guidelines were unanimously adopted by various government agencies and academia and a Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) was signed on September 28, 1990. Very recently a new document was drafted, specifically to serve as a guideline for those who desire to undertake sample collecting in the Philippines for biodiversity prospecting. The document is now being reviewed by government departments and agencies and will be presented to the President of the Philippines for signing as an Executive Order (EO). Once signed, this EO will serve as a national policy for bioprospecting in the country. The Philippines is one of the countries in Southeast Asia that has endorsed the adoption of regional guidelines on the collection of plant and animal organisms for drug development. The ASEAN Agreement on the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (1985). The Manila Declaration (1992) and lately, the Melaka Accord (1994), all of which were signed by various countries in Asia, are manifestations of this interest.