In both African and Asian colonies until the late 19th century, colonial medicine operated pragmatically to meet the medical needs first of colonial officers and troops, immigrant settlers, and laborers responsible for economic development, then of indigenous populations when their ill health threatened the well-being of the expatriate population. Since the turn of the century, however, the consequences of colonial expansion and development for indigenous people's health had become increasingly apparent, and disease control and public health programs were expanded in this light. These programs increased government surveillance of populations at both community and household levels. As a consequence, colonial states extended institutional oversight and induced dependency through public health measures. Drawing on my own work on colonial Malaya, I illustrate developments in public health and their links to the moral logic of colonialism and its complementarity to the political economy.
On the eve of International Women's Day, 80 women representing five women's groups in Malaysia, including Persatuan Sahabat Wanita, CAW's network member, marched from Petaling Jaya to Penang to attend the Women's Day celebration. The group had organized the visitation in order to strengthen its networking. During their meeting with some reporters before their departure to Penang, they demanded that the women's groups be consulted before any guideline on the prevention and handling of sexual harassment at the workplace is drawn up. They said that they have been handling several complaints and their input would help the Human Resource Ministry formulate a comprehensive set of guidelines. This demand by the women's group was in response to the announcement by the Human Resource Minister Datuk Lim Ah Lek that in a month time a code would be ready on guidelines about the establishment and implementation of in-house preventive and redress mechanisms for dealing with sexual harassment.
PIP: On July 21, 2000, the Asian Forum of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (AFPPD) Malaysia, in cooperation with the UN Population Fund and the UN Development Program (Malaysia), organized the National HIV/AIDS Seminar for Parliamentarians in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. During the seminar, Mr. Colin Hollis, secretary general of AFPPD, spoke about the challenge posed by HIV/AIDS on the government. He noted that the epidemic is a part of life and these figures should not only challenge the assumptions of legislators but for them to act as well. He further informed that AFPPD would organize the Asia-Africa Meeting of Parliamentarians and Asia European Dialogue.
The 'seasonal haze' problem is one which afflicts large parts of Southeast Asia in years of drought. The major cause is forest, bush and field fires in the states of Kalimantan and Sumatra in Indonesia, and to a lesser extent in Sabah, Sarawak, and other parts of Malaysia. Almost all of these fires now seem preventable, since they are intentionally set to clear land for cultivation. Theoretically, the government authorities at central, provincial and local levels in these countries should be responsible for controlling activities in their territory. In practice, however, air pollution control through regulatory policies and practices is extraordinarily difficult to implement and maintain in a situation of this kind in developing countries, especially at a time of crippling economic setbacks. Moreover, the establishment of legal liability, through an international tribunal or otherwise, hardly seems a politically feasible course of action for the government of an affluent 'victim state' such as Singapore. Faith in the usual solutions--science, regulation, law and diplomacy--is weakened by one's sense of current realities. The purpose of this paper is to review the issues and suggested responses, the cost implications of each, the responsibilities as well as entitlements that might apply to the various stakeholders, and the special role of Singapore as an affluent 'victim state'. We also discuss the incentive mechanisms that would be needed to manage forest fires.
Presently, globalization and the world economy maintain power relations that hamper the economic integrity and the political autonomy of the developing world. My paper addresses specific economic conditions that perpetuate poverty and poor health. I examine multinational corporations and their effects on women's health, particularly in Mexico and parts of Asia. The advent of multinational corporate business in Mexico, Malaysia, Philippines, India, and Indonesia has led to increased poverty and human rights abuses. Women bear the brunt of this because of specific international economic arrangements and their low social status, both locally and globally. As a result, their physical, mental, and emotional health is suffering. Solutions to these health problems have been proposed on multiple levels: international top-down approaches (i.e., employing international protectionist regulatory standards, exposing multinationals who infringe on their workers' human rights), as well as local grassroots organizational campaigns (i.e., conducting informational human rights workshops for factory workers). Ultimately, the answers lie in holding corporations accountable to their laborers while developing countries maintain their comparative advantage; this is the only way women's health will improve and the developing world can entice corporate investment.
Health care reform is an intentional, sustained and systematic process of structural change to one or more health subsystems to improve efficiency, effectiveness, patient choices and equity. Health care all over the world is continuously reforming with time. Health care reform has become an increasingly important agenda for policy change in both developed and developing countries including Malaysia. This paper provides an overview of the Malaysian health care system, its achievements, and issues and challenges leading to ongoing reform towards a more efficient and equitable health care system that possess a better quality of life for the population.
The Sulu-Sulawesi Sea, with neighboring Indonesian Seas and South China Sea, lies at the center of the world's tropical marine biodiversity. Encircled by 3 populous, developing nations, the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia, the Sea and its adjacent coastal and terrestrial ecosystems, supports ca. 33 million people, most with subsistence livelihoods heavily reliant on its renewable natural resources. These resources are being impacted severely by rapid population growth (> 2% yr-1, with expected doubling by 2035) and widespread poverty, coupled with increasing international market demand and rapid technological changes, compounded by inefficiencies in governance and a lack of awareness and/or acceptance of some laws among local populations, particularly in parts of the Philippines and Indonesia. These key root causes all contribute to illegal practices and corruption, and are resulting in severe resource depletion and degradation of water catchments, river, lacustrine, estuarine, coastal, and marine ecosystems. The Sulu-Sulawesi Sea forms a major geopolitical focus, with porous borders, transmigration, separatist movements, piracy, and illegal fishing all contributing to environmental degradation, human suffering and political instability, and inhibiting strong trilateral support for interventions. This review analyzes these multifarious environmental and socioeconomic impacts and their root causes, provides a future prognosis of status by 2020, and recommends policy options aimed at amelioration through sustainable management and development.
Mahathir Mohamad was born in 1925 in Alor Star, Kedah. He entered the King Edward VII College of Medicine in Singapore in 1947 and graduated in 1953. His years in the medical school equipped young Mahathir with the training necessary to assess and diagnose a problem, before dispensing the appropriate treatment. Throughout his later years in the political limelight, Dr Mahathir recognised the very important role the medical college had in laying the strong foundation for his successful career. He joined UMNO in 1945, already interested in politics at the tender age of 20; he was first elected into Parliament in 1964. The vigorous expression of his candid views did not go down well during the troubled days following the 13 May 1969 racial riots and he was expelled from UMNO, his writings were banned, and he was considered a racial extremist. Nevertheless, his intellectual and political influence could not be ignored for long; he returned to Parliament in 1974, and became the fourth, and longest serving, Prime Minister of Malaysia in 1981. Dr Mahathir has found fame as a Malay statesman, and an important Asian leader of the twentieth century with much written, locally and internationally, debating his policies. This article, using Dr Mahathir's own writings, starts with his description of his early life, proceeds to look at his medical career, then touches on his diagnosis of the problems plaguing the Malays, before concluding with his views on the need to stand up to the prejudices and pressures of the Western world. Throughout his life, Dr Mahathir behaved as the ever-diligent medical doctor, constantly studying the symptoms to diagnose the cause of the ills in his community and country, before proceeding to prescribe the correct treatment to restore good health. It is a measure of his integrity and intellectual capability that he did not seek to hide his failures, or cite unfinished work in an attempt to cling to political power.
Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad was a medical student at the King Edward VII College of Medicine from 1947 to 1953. He described his student days with fondness; he made many friends while he was at the College. He recounted his early days as a doctor before he entered politics in 1964. He became the fourth and longest serving Prime Minister of Malaysia for 22 years from 1981 to 2003. He concluded "The contribution of my Medical College days in Singapore to the racial harmony, peace and prosperity of Malaysia is tangible but unquantifiable."
With globalization education has become a tradable service governed by the rules and regulations of GATS and worth trillions of dollars. International standards are rapidly being developed to facilitate cross border supply of services. In medical education, the WFME has produced International Guidelines on Quality in Medical Education which has a regional equivalent in the WHO Western Pacific Region, and the IIME has defined the minimum essential requirements of standards in medical education in seven core competences. Malaysia, having an explicit policy of making education a sector for revenue generation, has put in place regulatory frameworks and incentives to make the country a centre of educational excellence. Within the ambit of this national aspiration, medical education has grown phenomenally in the last decade. Standards and procedures for accreditation of medical schools in line with the world standards have been developed and implemented and policies are enforced to facilitate compliance to the standards. The ultimate goal is for medical schools to be self-accredited. In striving towards self-accreditation medical schools should be innovative in making changes in the three requirements of medical education. These are the intellectual and social imperatives and strategies for effective implementation.
The policy prescription for solving environmental problems of developing countries and countries-in-transition (CIT) is slowly getting polarized into two viewpoints. One group of researchers and policy advocates including multilateral organizations upholds extensive use of market based instruments (MBIs) in these countries. The other group argues that institutions need to be built first or the policy makers should select the incremental or tiered approach taking into account the existing capabilities. The group also insists that the financial, institutional and political constraints make environmental regulation in these countries more problematic than in industrialized countries. In the short-run, the immediate needs of the developing countries can be addressed effectively by learning lessons from the difficulties encountered by a few successful cases and accordingly evolving an appropriate policy instrument. In this paper an attempt has been made to highlight three such cases from three different parts of the world--Malaysia (Asia-pacific), Poland (Eastern Europe) and Colombia (Latin America). The paper looks into what policy instruments led to a fall in water pollution levels in these countries and what role did MBIs play in this pollution mitigation? The case studies suggest that it is a combination of instruments--license fee, standards, charge and subsidies--reinforced by active enforcement that led to an overall improvement in environment compliance.
Scientific progress is a significant basis for change in public-health policy and practice, but the field also invests in value-laden concepts and responds daily to sociopolitical, cultural and evaluative concerns. The concepts that drive much of public-health practice are shaped by the collective and individual mores that define social systems. This paper seeks to describe the ethics processes in play when public-health mechanisms are established in low- and middle-income countries, by focusing on two cases where ethics played a crucial role in producing positive institutional change in public-health policy. First, we introduce an overview of the relationship between ethics and public health; second, we provide a conceptual framework for the ethical analysis of health system events, noting how this approach might enhance the power of existing frameworks; and third, we demonstrate the interplay of these frameworks through the analysis of a programme to enhance road safety in Malaysia and an initiative to establish a national ethics committee in Pakistan. We conclude that, while ethics are gradually being integrated into public-health policy decisions in many developing health systems, ethical analysis is often implicit and undervalued. This paper highlights the need to analyse public-health decision-making from an ethical perspective.
In parallel with the neo-liberal retrenchment of the welfarist state, an increasing emphasis on the responsibility of individuals in managing their own affairs and their well-being has been evident. In the health arena for instance, this was a major theme permeating the UK government's White Paper Choosing Health: Making Healthy Choices Easier (2004), which appealed to an ethos of autonomy and self-actualization through activity and consumption which merited esteem. As a counterpoint to this growing trend of informed responsibilization, constrained choices (constrained agency) provides a useful framework for a judicious balance and sense of proportion between an individual behavioural focus and a focus on societal, systemic, and structural determinants of health and well-being. Constrained choices is also a conceptual bridge between responsibilization and population health which could be further developed within an integrative biosocial perspective one might refer to as the social ecology of health and disease.
The study of human-environmental relations is complex and by nature draws on theories and practices from multiple disciplines. There is no single research strategy or universal set of methods to which researchers must adhere. Particularly for scholars interested in a political ecology approach to understanding human-environmental relationships, very little has been written examining the details of "how to" design a project, develop appropriate methods, produce data, and, finally, integrate multiple forms of data into an analysis. A great deal of attention has been paid, appropriately, to the theoretical foundations of political ecology, and numerous scholarly articles and books have been published recently. But beyond Andrew Vayda's "progressive contextualization" and Piers Blaikie and Harold Brookfield's "chains of explanation," remarkably little is written that provides a research model to follow, modify, and expand. Perhaps one of the reasons for this gap in scholarship is that, as expected in interdisciplinary research, researchers use a variety of methods that are suitable (and perhaps unique) to the questions they are asking. To start a conversation on the methods available for researchers interested in adopting a political ecology perspective to human-environmental interactions, I use my own research project as a case study. This research is by no means flawless or inclusive of all possible methods, but by using the details of this particular research process as a case study I hope to provide insights into field research that will be valuable for future scholarship.
It has been recently proposed that people can flexibly rely on sources of control that are both internal and external to the self to satisfy the need to believe that their world is under control (i.e., that events do not unfold randomly or haphazardly). Consistent with this, past research demonstrates that, when personal control is threatened, people defend external systems of control, such as God and government. This theoretical perspective also suggests that belief in God and support for governmental systems, although seemingly disparate, will exhibit a hydraulic relationship with one another. Using both experimental and longitudinal designs in Eastern and Western cultures, the authors demonstrate that experimental manipulations or naturally occurring events (e.g., electoral instability) that lower faith in one of these external systems (e.g., the government) lead to subsequent increases in faith in the other (e.g., God). In addition, mediation and moderation analyses suggest that specific concerns with order and structure underlie these hydraulic effects. Implications for the psychological, sociocultural, and sociopolitical underpinnings of religious faith, as well as system justification theory, are discussed.