The objectives of this article are (1) review the contribution of traditional midwives to family planning communication in several Asian countries; (2) organize knowledge gathered from various studies into general guidelines for the most effective use of traditional midwives in family planning programs; and (3) present hypotheses for future research. In certain countries where pilot projects have tested the potential performance of traditional midwives in family planning programs, results have been encouraging. In other nations, more research is needed to determine the contribution traditional midwives can make to the family planning program.
PIP: Traditional midwives are found in almost every village and in many urban neighborhoods in the developing world, delivering the majority of births in these areas. Several Asian nations have begun to recognize the potential contribution of traditional midwives to modern family planning and health programs. A total of about 17,000 traditional midwives have been trained as family planning recruiters in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand. Because traditional midwives deliver a large number of births in Asian nations, the potential is great for them to reach large numbers of women regarding family planning -- particularly poor, illiterate women. There is much to be learned from the traditional health system and governmental health and family planning programs should join hands with these older systems.
Blood samples, demographic and cultural data were collected from seven settlements of Semai Senoi, a swidden farming ethnic group of Malaysia. Three genetic loci (ABO blood group, hereditary ovalcytosis, and hemoglobin) were analyzed in a total sample of 546 individuals. These data indicate a considerable degree of genetic microdifferentiation in this area of the Semai distribution. Parent-offspring birthplace data (analyzed by means of a migration matrix) and settlement histories show that settlements are not strongly isolated. Genetic differences in the study area demonstrate a reasonable correspondence with migration and the history of the settlements. Genetic convergence also occurs through the addition of migrant groups to established populations leading to new patterns of marriage between donor and recipient groups. The genetic structure of the total Semai population through time thus comprises a mosaic of shifiting allele frequencies in a series of semi-isolated local populations.
The Temiars are a tribe of negroid pygmies of basically Proto-Malaysian affinities. Field-work in the Malaysian jungle provided some observations on the sleep-wakefulness cycle of two young Temiar adults. This cycle was monophasic circumstances permitting. Their rest-activity cycle at night was similar in the jungle and in the laboratory. Polygraphic total night-sleep recordings were made with both of them in the EEG laboratory in the Hospital Besar in Kuala Lumpur. The eye-movement frequencies of PS were compared with those from young adults of the West. Although the differences were not statistically significant, the Rem-densities of the Temiars were constantly at the low side. The significance of the results are being discussed.
The authors present evidence of an indigenous diagnostic system by which Malay culture defines Amok, and of the disparate relations between individual conceptualization, behavior, and tradition which contributes to the labeling process. Amok is viewed as a cultural prescription for violent behavior in response to a given set of conditions. It is not a disease but rather a behavioral sequence, perceived as illness, that may be precipitated by various etiological factors. Finally, evidence is presented to support the hypothesis that traditional forms of Amok are being replaced by new variants in which psychopathology is increasingly evident.
The case history, treatment and follow-up of a thirteen-year-old girl with obsessive-compulsive neurosis of six months duration are reported. Results show that behaviour modification techniques were effective though a second course of treatment was required. Her illness and its treatment by behaviour therapy in relation to the Malaysian Chinese culture is discussed.
Malaysia has a large variety of traditional medical systems that are a direct reflection of the wide ethnic diversity of its population. These can be grouped into four basic varieties, namely, traditional "native," traditional Chinese, traditional Indian and modern medicine, examples of which are described. In spite of the great inroads made by modern medicine, the traditional systems are firmly established. Patients move from one system to another or use several systems simultaneously. The integration of the traditional Malay birth attendant into the health team is described. The forces influencing the development, acceptance and integration of the medical systems is discussed.
This discussion of an episode of mass hysteria in a Malay college in West Malaysia examines stress and conflict in relation to the interpretive process within a specific social setting. Unlike previous studies, which conceptualize mass hysteria as a cathartic response to accumulated stress, the present study treats stress as a matter of definition in a specific sociocultural context rather than as an objective given from which predictions can be made. Objections are raised to the logic of explanations that attribute mass hysteria to environmental stress. What is of concern is how meanings are assigned to events that are experienced as stressful, how participants and observers explain these events, and the consequences that follow from their interpretations.
Latah is a culture-bound syndrome from Malaysia and Indonesia. Persons exhibiting the Latah syndrome respond to minimal stimuli with exaggerated startles, often exclaimning normally inhibited sexually denotative words. Sometimes Latahs after being startled obey the commands or imitate the actions of persons about them. Most episodes of Latah are intentionally provoked for the amusement of onlookers. Similar sets of interactive behaviors have been reported from genetically and culturally unrelated populations (e.g., Bantu, Ainu, and French Canadians). Since competent anthropological investigators have shown Latah to be intimately tied to specific factors in the cultural systems of the Southeast Asian societies in which it is found, its occurrence elswhere has been considered paradoxical. New data, including films and videotapes of hyperstartling persons from Malaysia, the Philippines, Japan, and the United States, suggest a model capable of resolving the apparent paradox by showing how the various forms of latah are culture-specific exploitations of a neurophysiological potential shared by humans and other mammals. Latah provides an especially revealing example of the complex ways in which neurophysiological, experiential, and cultural variables interact to produce a strongly marked and phenomenon.
Turner's concepts of structure and anti-structure are applied to the culture-bound syndromes to demonstrate that they are dialectical aspects of cultural reality, The Malay cases of amok, latah and possession hysteria are discussed as instances of anti-structural behaviors that dramatize role-reversals and role-enhancement. The performers of these behaviors are not subjected to the Malay code of moral conduct. The supernatural ethos in Malay culture plays an important role in shaping tolerance towards them. Although this tolerance has been gradually eroded as a result of the introduction of Western psychiatry, the anti-structural status of these syndromes has not faded away but has assumed new meanings in terms of psychopathology.
This scale is constructed to meet the need for an efficient, rapid and economical method of
measuring change in schizophrenic patients during the course of psychotropic medication (drug trial) in a multi-cultural, multi-lingual population of low educational level. Items are included only if (1) they can be elicited objectively, (2) they are important symptoms of schizophrenia and (3) they are frequent maniJestatz'on of the schizophrenic syndrome as recorded in Woodbridge Hospital. It could be used by a single rater but its reliability should be further improved if two raters are involved.
The definition of primary health care is basically the same, but the wide variety of concepts as to the form and type of worker required is largely due to variations in economic, demographic, socio-cultural and political factors. Whatever form it takes, in many parts of the developing world, it is increasingly clear that primary health care must be provided by non-physicians. The reasons for this trend are compelling, yet it is surprisingly opposed by the medical profession in many a developing country. Nonetheless, numerous field trials are being conducted in a variety of situations in several countries around the world. Non-physician primary health care workers vary from medical assistants and nurse practitioners to aide-level workers called village mobilizers, village volunteers, village aides and a variety of other names. The functions, limitations and training of such workers will need to be defined, so that an optimal combination of skills, knowledge and attitudes best suited to produce the desired effect on local health problems may be attained. The supervision of such workers by the physician and other health professionals will need to be developed in the spirit of the health team. An example of the use of non-physicians in providing primary health care in Sarawak is outlined.
A morbidity survey was carried out on a sample of eight longhouses in the Entabai area of the Sixth Division, Sarawak. Of the 645 respondents interviewed, only 148 (22.9%) had experienced at least one spell of illness during the one month prior to the survey.A total of 161 spells of illness was reported, giving a rate of three spells per person per year for the community. Most of the complaints were mild in nature, with fever and aches being the commonest reported. About two thirds of the illnesses were seen by the village aide or at the klinik desa, while the remaining preferred to be treated by the manang. A sub-sample of 49 heads of household were interviewed on their views of the causation, prevention and spread offive common conditions. About 14-43% of the respondents had no knowledge of the causes of fever, cough, diarrhoea or worms. Among those who mentioned some causative factors, only a portion had correct concepts of the various aspects of diseases. Food taboos associated with the five conditions were not too numerous or extensive enough to affect dietary intakes. However, this is not so during the post-partum period where the mother is not allowed to eat many vegetables and meat which are common items in their everyday diets.
Various key aspects needing consideration in primary health care services for children are described. These include the need for basic curative facilities, a dyodic approach, concentration on major issues, use of appropriate technology and cultural appropriateness.
Different groups of people will view and use modern dental services differently. This is determined by their traditional beliefs and cultural background. The aim of this study is to identify variations in utilization among adults in the three major ethnic groups in Malaysia. Dental records of 500 adults attending the University dental center were randomly selected and analyzed by sex and ethnic group. Results from this pilot study clearly indicate that different ethnic groups tend to use certain types of services more than others. Similarly, there is evidence of variation in the type of dental service preferred between males and females. The implications of these findings for dental health educators, program planners and further research is emphasized in order to promote a more positive pattern of utilization among the various ethnic groups.
Sixty four percent (104 patients) of Malay patients attending the Psychiatric Clinic for the first time were interviewed. A similar number from the general Out-patients Department (O.P.D.) randomly chosen, served as the control group. Seventy six (73.1%) psychiatric patients had consulted a bomoh prior to their visit to the clinic as compared to 26 (25%) O.P.D. patients. The number of bomohs consulted was significantly higher among the psychiatric patients than the O.P.D. patients. The strength of social support, the availability of a bomoh and the belief of the patients, friends and/or relatives in the bomoh have been suggested as the main factors that influenced the Malay patients in seeking bomoh treatment. The belief that mental illness is due to supernatural causes is firmly held by bomohs who reinforce this notion in those who seek their advice. The importance of understanding the patient's cultural background in treating psychiatric patients is highlighted.
Study site: Psychiatric clinic, Hospital Universiti Sains Malaysia (HUSM), Kelantan, Malaysia