Pseudoseizures, weakness of limbs, elective mutism, dystonia and behaviour problems were the presenting symptoms in three children from three different families with crises superimposed on chronic marital and familial stresses. Lack of open communication among parents and children contribute to the use of physical symptoms as an expression of emotional conflicts. Psychotherapeutic management includes individual and family counselling which begin with obtaining a history of psychosocial background and recent stresses. The families, in addition to seeking modern medical intervention, proceeded with their own religious, cultural and social management.
Spirit possession in an Indian family is described. Its importance as a culture-bound phenomenon is stressed. Its nature as a hysteria, and as a culturally sanctioned and accepted means of expression of emotions and feelings, are discussed.
The interest in epidemic hysteria has been due to an increased prevalence of the phenomena in Malaysia in recent years. This paper describes the prevalence and characteristics of epidemic hysteria in Malaysia. An outbreak in a rural Malay lower secondary girls' school was described and the factors precipitating the outbreak were studied in detailed. The social interactions, native interpretation and psychodynamic constellations in the microcosm of tensions and interpersonal conflicts leading to the outbreak of hysteria were analysed and discussed. The paper also deals with the problem of social change within a closed-in rural community and how the various key personalities involved grappled with a problem thereby instituting social change.
This paper discusses the prevalence and characteristics of epidemic hysteria among predominantly rural Malay schools in Malaysia. An illustrative episode in a Malay residential girls' school is described, and contributory factors to this outbreak are elaborated. An attempt is made to analyze the complex interweaving of psychological, religious, cultural, and sociological factors in the precipitation of the outbreak.
This study questions the widely held assumption that the phenomenon known as mass psychogenic illness (MPI) exists per se in nature as a psychiatric disorder. Most MPI studies are problematical, being descriptive, retrospective investigations of specific incidents which conform to a set of pre-existing symptom criteria that are used to determine the presence of collective psychosomatic illness. Diagnoses are based upon subjective, ambiguous categories that reflect stereotypes of female normality which assume the presence of a transcultural disease or disorder entity, underemphasizing or ignoring the significance of episodes as culturally conditioned roles of social action. Examples of this bias include the mislabelling of dancing manias, tarantism and demonopathy in Europe since the Middle Ages as culture-specific variants of MPI. While 'victims' are typified as mentally disturbed females possessing abnormal personality characteristics who are exhibiting cathartic reactions to stress, it is argued that episodes may involve normal, rational people who possess unfamiliar conduct codes, world-views and political agendas that differ significantly from those of Western-trained investigators who often judge these illness behaviours independent of their local context and meanings.
This discussion of an episode of mass hysteria in a Malay college in West Malaysia examines stress and conflict in relation to the interpretive process within a specific social setting. Unlike previous studies, which conceptualize mass hysteria as a cathartic response to accumulated stress, the present study treats stress as a matter of definition in a specific sociocultural context rather than as an objective given from which predictions can be made. Objections are raised to the logic of explanations that attribute mass hysteria to environmental stress. What is of concern is how meanings are assigned to events that are experienced as stressful, how participants and observers explain these events, and the consequences that follow from their interpretations.
This study examines twenty-four cases of amok, believed the largest number of cases ever collected. They were observed in Sarawak, East Malaysia. They occurred in all indigenous groups in Sarawak, excluding the Chinese, such as Malay, Sea Dayak, Land Dayak, Kayan, Punan and Melanau at frequencies more or less following the proportion of these groups in the total population. No differences were found according to religion, the Malay being Muslim and the other groups either predominantly Christian like the Iban or animistic. Only slight diminution in the frequency was observed from 1954 to 1968. The education level of the amok runners was much lower than that of the average population. The weapons used were those immediately at hand be it parang (short sword), ax, sticks, knives, guns, bare hands or a lorry. The classical four stages were largely present: (a) brooding and withdrawal, (b) homicidal paroxysm, (c) continuation of homicidal behaviour until killed, restrained or falling into stupor of exhaustion, (d) complete or partial amnesia. While in 14 no motive could be ascertained, insult, jealousy and paranoid ideation was present in the others. Both family history of mental illness and personal psychiatric history were predominant. All cases fell into accepted diagnostic categories from organic and endogenous psychosis to neurosis and behaviour disorder.